Report: Sarkozy Slams Obama – Says He Might Be Insane

Sunday, April 11, 2010, 6:12 AM
Jim Hoft

A recent report supposedly circulating the Kremlin quotes Sarkozy as stating that President Obama is “a dangerous[ly] aliéné”, which translates into his, Obama, being a “mad lunatic”.
The European Union Times reported:

A new report circulating in the Kremlin today authored by France’s Directorate-General for External Security (DGSE) and recently “obtained” by the FSB shockingly quotes French President Nicolas Sarkozy [photo top right with Obama] as stating that President Barack Obama is “a  dangerous[ly] aliéné”, which translates into his, Obama, being a “mad lunatic”, or in the American vernacular, “insane”.

According to this report, Sarkozy was “appalled” at Obama’s “vision” of what the World should be under his “guidance” and “amazed” at the American Presidents unwillingness to listen to either “reason” or “logic”.  Sarkozy’s meeting where these impressions of Obama were formed took place nearly a fortnight ago at the White House in Washington D.C., and upon his leaving he “scolded” Obama and the US for not listening closely enough to what the rest of the World has to say.

Apparently, as this report details, the animosity between Sarkozy and Obama arose out of how best the West can deal with the growing threat posed by rising Islamic fundamentalism. Both Sarkozy and his European neighbors had previously been supported in their efforts by the United States in forming an alliance to strengthen the integration of Muslim peoples into their societies, and has including France and Belgium moving to ban the wearing of burqa’s.

Laura Bush warns Dems away from anti-Palin sexism

Laura Bush warns Dems away from anti-Palin



First lady Laura Bush said today that sexism aimed at Sarah Palin was a very real prospect and suggested Democrats watch what they say about the Alaska governor and John McCain’s ticketmate.

“The other side will have to be particularly careful,” Bush said in an interview on Fox News from St. Paul, “because that’s something we all looked at.”

Questioned about whether Palin may face sexism from the media in the way Hillary Rodham Clinton supporters claim she did, Bush said: “I think that’s a possibility.”

The first lady, who had been planning to speak to the GOP convention tonight before Gustav scrambled the schedule, expressed pride in Palin.

“I’m going to get what I wanted, which is to be able to vote for a Republican woman,” Bush said.  “People, as they get to know her, are going to be so impressed with her grit and her sensible judgment.”
“She has shown how terrific women can be, and how strong women can be, in office.”

Bush and Cindy McCain were to visit a convention breakfast sponsored by the Louisiana delegation this morning.

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French Resistance to Jihadism: The broad implications of Sarkozy’s election

French Resistance to Jihadism: The broad implications of Sarkozy’s election
Walid Phares
Author: Walid Phares
Source: The Family Security Foundation, Inc.
Date: May 14, 2007

Many observers interpret the victory of Nicholas Sarkozy in the French presidential elections as a desperate plea from Europeans to begin a more vocal, effective resistance to urban Jihadi terror throughout the Continent. FSM Contributing Editor Walid Phares brings us his expert analysis.

French Resistance to Jihadism:

The broad implications of Sarkozy’s election


By Walid Phares

When I was leaving Paris at the end of October 2005 after a visit to France, I had two things in mind: First, I had seen the beginning of the urban intifada, which would soon engulf about two hundred cities and towns. Second, I was able to have my book Future Jihad received by Minister of Interior Nicolas Sarkozy. And as my plane was taking off, I concluded that the jihadi “invasion” of France’s cities would lead to a French popular response. This Sunday’s presidential election epitomized this reaction, and Nicolas Sarkozy embodied it.

 This striking electoral victory by the son of an immigrant is the result of the French public’s rejection of a slow decay that has been eroding the foundations of the Fifth Republic for years, some would say even since its inception in 1958. Without any doubt, the country’s economic insecurity and a need for change were among the reasons for Sarkozy’s electoral success. He promised a third path between the rigid left-wing agenda and Chirac’s stagnant economics. Many civil societies in Europe wish to escape the choice between Socialism and capitalism. European voters and French ones in particular, have desperately been trying to communicate this to their politicians since the end of the Cold War. But Sarkozy’s victory is also a response to another desperate plea from the peoples of Europe, and from the French silent majority in particular: Please resist the rise of terror that is the urban jihad. This Sunday’s vote, and the presidential primaries, were also — even mostly — about this latent worry, even if the political and media elite attempted to ignore it. When given the opportunity, French electors responded to the elite’s tergiversation on the perceived threat to democracy and security.


Since the 1970s, France has been a target for terrorist activities. Left wing, right wing, and Middle Eastern-rooted groups attacked the country and were fought fiercely by the government. As of the early 1990s, French urban centers began to witness the rise of radical Islamist networks. Migrating from the Maghreb (northwest Africa) and other regions, Salafi clerics and militants promoted jihadism around Paris and many other cities. By the end of the decade, many suburban zones were practically ruled by powers parallel to the state

 Inaugurated by Charles de Gaulle in the 1960s, the “politique Arabe de la France” (Arab policy of France), meant in practice an accommodation by Paris to the wishes of foreign powers providing cheap natural resources to the country’s industrial complex. Very smartly, the domestic jihadi web positioned itself under the umbrella of the French Oil interest and multinational corporations; radical clerics were financed by Saudi and other Arab regimes, spreading Wahhabism and Salafism across the country. Any interference by French authorities would “hurt” the relations with Petrol-regimes and thus would have a negative effect on the “economic benefits” to the country. Moreover, high-profile politicians, including President Chirac, were accused of becoming personal friends with Middle Eastern financial empires.

 The silent majority in France was powerless against the rise of the extremists in the banlieues (suburbs) and throughout the provinces. The average French voter grew frustrated with these two political options and was not willing to support Le Pen’s extreme positions. Popular dismay was exacerbated as the “parallel society” of radicals expanded in urban France. Within those enclaves, the Salafis were profiting from the void. Wherever French police and social workers couldn’t go, jihadi cells would mushroom. The combination of areas ruled by Imams and migrant terror-networks was explosive: In the fall of 2005, it did explode, right in the face of French citizenry.


After the September 11 attacks in the U.S., most Europeans worried that the same could happen to them. The European elite, however, largely dismissed the possibility, arguing that America brought the attacks upon itself by means of its foreign policy. Soon enough, Western Europe felt the ire of al Qaeda and its ilk: the Madrid train attacks on March 11, 2004, the London subway killings on July 7, 2005, and the assassination of Van Gogh on November 2, 2004, in Amsterdam were the most visible of the continental ghazwas (Jihadi raids).

In France, President Jacques Chirac, taking the Gaullist doctrine to its extreme, thought he could spare his country from the “holy wars.” By opposing the removal of Saddam and leading the criticism of Washington, the French political establishment, led by the Élysée (the presidential palace) and endorsed by Rue Solferino (the headquarters of the Socialist party), pitted itself against the United States. Between 2003 and late 2004, French diplomacy fought a fierce battle against America’s involvement in Iraq. The more Paris aligned itself with Berlin’s Schroeder and with anti-American governments worldwide, the more Chirac’s politicians felt safe at home and overseas. But the Jihadi powers, Salafists, and Khomeinists had different calculations. Their message to the French was: Either you are with us or you are against us.

During the Iraq war and in its aftermath, Salafi combat-cells continued to spread in France. Not supporting the U.S. in Iraq didn’t shield France from this domestic threat. Al Qaeda doesn’t reward infidels for not joining other infidels in the fight. Nor did Iran and Syria protect the French president’s interests and friends in the region, despite his political war with the Bush administration. In 2004, the Syrian regime went after Chirac’s allies and partners in Lebanon, most notably after Chirac’s friend Rafiq Hariri. In September, Paris reacted by introducing, along with the U.S., a resolution to get Syria out of Lebanon. In retaliation, the Assad regime launched an assassination campaign, killing many politicians, including Hariri. France’s “Arab policy” was collapsing. By the fall of 2005, France’s national soil was transformed into a battlefield.


On October 27, in Clichy-sous-Bois, an eastern suburb of Paris, “youth gangs” began torching cars and destroying property. The vandalism was purportedly instigated by the death of two young men who were being chased by police. But there was clearly more to it: The uprising spread to dozens of cities and similar graffiti appeared simultaneously across the country. By November 8, 2005, a state of emergency was declared. Ten thousand cars had been burned.

The French public took this as a warning. The media, government, and academia insisted on the unemployment-youth-socio-economic paradigm. But the silent majority didn’t buy it. People living close to the “insurgents” and interacting with them, including the security agencies, understood what was happening: Large urban zones around France’s cities had slipped away from national sovereignty. The radicals had built a “société parallèle,” concluded the average citizens. If the police couldn’t go into the suburbs, it was because they had become Taliban-like pockets. A national leader had to step in.


Moving swiftly and energetically, Nicolas Sarkozy, the minister of interior, took charge in what was the most sensitive aspect of the French collective psychology. After having organized the Islamic Federation of France in an attempt to whisk it away from the radicals the year before, Sarkozy became the target of attacks by the Salafi clerics, many of whom were preaching Jihadism in the mosques. Sarkozy used French laws to deport a number of them who were non-citizens. In 2003, Sarkozy had organized a state backed Council for Islamic Faith to contain the rise of the Islamists. The November 2005 intifada was a response to the Sarkozy counter-Jihadi measures. In response the minister of interior pushed for the deportation of the radical clerics he accused of incitements.

Nicolas Sarkozy embodies important sociological characteristics of French political culture. Being the son of immigrants, he can’t be attacked by the ideological users of the “immigrant shield.” He comes from a conservative background to assure the French that the national identity has to be protected, and he promotes progressive change, integrating the views of the French who are concerned with environmental and economic reforms.

Yet the collective consciousness of the French public today is primarily concerned with survival. This goes against the dominant paradigm, the official speech, and the intellectual rhetoric. French people took heed of the warning they saw on their televisions, the terrorist attacks in New York, Madrid, and London; they were shocked by what they saw from their own balconies happening on their streets. They were looking for someone to do something about this, and they found their man in Sarkozy.

This is not just one more European election; it is a benchmark in French politics and, subsequently, in the Western struggle to win the war on terror. The change will affect France deeply, but also its relations on the Continent, across the Atlantic, and in the Greater Middle East. Nicolas Sarkozy is determined to bring France back to itself after decades of Gaullist erring. His statement about being a friend of the United States doesn’t mean only that he will listen to what Washington has to say about the world, but also that he will make known to our politicians his experiences with a common enemy. As is clear, America’s establishment could well use the advice of this newly arrived friend on the world stage.

After he was elected, Sarkozy pledged that France would support the oppressed and persecuted around the world. In other words, France is committed to helping weak societies struggling for liberties against dictatorships. This statement is a prelude to what could become a new era of French solidarity with the global resistance to ideological jihadism. In this respect, Sarkozy’s victory can be viewed as a first step in the return of the French Resistance, this time against jihadism.

#  # Contributing Editor Walid Phares is the director of Future Terrorism Project at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, a visiting scholar at the European Foundation for Democracy, and the author of The War of Ideas: Jihadism against Democracy.

If you are a reporter or producer who is interested in receiving more information about this writer or this article, please email your request to

Note — The opinions expressed in this column are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions, views, and/or philosophy of The Family Security Foundation, Inc.

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The French Left’s Lost Balloon

The French Left’s Lost Balloon

A quote from Nidra Poller in The Washington Times, 9 May 2007

On the eve of the final round, Miss Royal declared on RTL television that Nicolas Sarkozy was a liar, a brutal man and a danger to the nation, and that his election would provoke a massive domestic uprising. If, as alleged in Le Monde on Monday, the Socialist candidate knew by then that she had no hope of winning, the implicit call for rebellion is all the more reprehensible. […]

After [UDF centrist Francois] Bayrou was eliminated, Miss Royal tried frantically to win back the misguided votes by courting Mr. Bayrou. The sluggish centrist took advantage of her ingenuity to keep himself on the front pages for one whole week of the two-week second-round campaign. Meanwhile, all but one of the 29 UDF deputies threw their support to Mr. Sarkozy. The final tally showed that 40 percent of Mr. Bayrou’s vote went to Miss Royal, 40 percent to Mr. Sarkozy, and 20 percent down the drain in abstention. Mr. Bayrou’s vainglorious promise to make a big showing in the mid-June legislative elections with his new Mouvement Democrate is floating high in the sky like a lost balloon.

Still playing the “tous sauf Sarkozy” tune, the Socialists are trying to grab the legislature under the pretext that their majority will temper President Sarkozy’s “absolute power.” Again, they are pandering to undemocratic forces determined to overthrow the newly elected government by street warfare.

Shortly after Mr. Sarkozy’s victory was announced, clashes began at the Bastille in Paris and in countless French cities. […] There is no guarantee that the banlieue will not explode in turn, but the current center-city uprising is led by extreme leftists, revolutionary Communists, anarchists, nihilists and misguided Segolene groupies. One rioter justified the violence as a protest against the police brutality that Mr. Sarkozy “plans to impose.” […] France is aflutter with hope. […] Accountability just might enter the French vocabulary.

France’s Thatcher

France’s Thatcher
By Kenneth R. Timmerman | May 9, 2007

“Sarko, the American.” For much of the French presidential campaign, it was an epithet used by the enemies of conservative candidate Nicolas Sarkozy to suggest that he was not his own man but a handmaiden of

Instead of complaining, or accusing his detractors of defaming his character, the former Chirac protégé adopted the slogan and wore it as a badge of honor.

Imagine that, a French political leader, proud of being called an American!

That’s just the first of many things that will change when Nicolas Sarkozy takes office on May 16.

Less than seven minutes into his victory speech on election night, Sarkozy sent a message to

“I want to launch an appeal to our American friends,” he began to a cheering audience, “that they can count on our friendship, forged in the tragedies of history we have confronted together.”

“I want to tell them that
France will be at their sides when they need her. But I also want to tell them that part of friendship is accepting that friends can think differently.”

There was a huge gasp in the room, as the shadow of Jacques Chirac appeared to descend from the ballroom ceiling, threatening to shatter the magic of the renewed
France that Sarkozy seemed to embody. But then the French president-elect veered off in an unexpected direction.

He wasn’t about to chastise
America over the war in
Iraq, or the ongoing war on terror. He wasn’t even going to raise the very real difference he has with President George W. Bush over the entry of Muslim Turkey into the predominantly Christian European Union (Bush favors Turkey’s entry as part of his politically-correct salaam to ‘Islam, religion of peace’; Sarkozy is against).

No, it was about global warming.

“A great nation such as the
United States has a duty to not become an obstacle to the struggle against global warming but instead to take the lead in this battle, because what’s at stake is the fate of all humanity,” Sarkozy said. He capped it off by vowing to make the fight against global warming his “first battle” as president.

Before you laugh, be thankful. Sarkozy wasn’t pledging to create a Palestinian state over the bodies of dead Jews, as is predecessor had done. He wasn’t vowing to dislodge
America from its super-power status, nor was he demanding that America subordinate its right to self-defense to a show of hands at the United Nations among countries who wish us ill.

Instead, he was calling on
America to take a leadership role.  This is a new France, indeed. (And there is more than just puffery in Sarkozy’s choice of global warming as his signal foreign policy issue. Remember that
France has some of the most advanced nuclear power technology in the world, and wants to perfect and export 4th generation reactors to developing countries. As he reminded his Socialist rival, Ségolène Royal, during their two hour mano-a-mano last week, nuclear power is “clean energy” and does not contribute to greenhouse gases.)

But while Sarkozy says there is “much to admire” in
America, his real aspiration is to become
France’s Thatcher.

Indeed, the task facing Sarkozy is dreadfully similar to the one that faced Margaret Thatcher when she first assumed office in 1979, after decades of disastrous socialist economic and social policies.

Sarkozy inherits an economy with high unemployment, little job mobility, and a massive social welfare state supported by powerful trade unions that fear losing their influence.

Britain a generation ago, today more than 50% of the French gross national product is spent by the state. That compares with 42% in today’s
Britain and the
United States.

Sarkozy has pledged to renew a country demoralized by 12 dismal years of Jacques Chirac, undoubtedly the worst president the French have ever had the misfortune to elect.

The Chirac era was fraught with corruption and baseness of all sorts. If the French were to apply the letter of the law, Chirac could be headed for the housegaw after losing his presidential immunity on corruption charges stemming from his 18 years as mayor of

(I doubt Sarkozy will allow Chirac to be prosecuted, and personally I think he should pardon him– not because of any love lost for Chirac, but because the French would prefer to forget that Chirac ever existed and don’t want to be reminded of him in the news. Neither should we.)

When Chirac was first elected in 1995, unemployment topped 10%. After spending tens of billions of euros on make-work programs and various social welfare fixes, unemployment still hovers well above 8% even according to the tricked-up official figures, which count young people on job-training internships as full-fledged members of the work force.

Internationally, Chirac steered
France into a hysterical, anti-American and anti-Israel alliance, siding with Saddam Hussein against George W. Bush, and Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah against

Chirac also alienated
Britain’s leaders, adding personal snubs to political hostility, going so far as to show up more than a half hour late to Buckingham palace during a state visit with the Queen.

When anti-Semitic attacks erupted in
France after 9/11, Chirac sat on his hands. Sarkozy, newly appointed as Interior Minister, donned a bullet-proof vest and visited the Muslim ghettoes around
Paris, warning Muslim leaders to stop preaching violence against Jews.

I believe history will accord Chirac the summary judgment he deserves.

Sarkozy campaigned on a platform of sweeping reforms, pledging to dismantle large portions of the social welfare state and to make
France competitive on world markets again.

He pledged to reduce taxes, shrink the size of government and shut down redundant government programs. (Rudy Guilliani was listening, and picked up one of Sarkozy’s key reforms – replacing only one of every two retiring civil servants – just yesterday).

But most importantly, he pledged to “put
France back to work.” The French have lost faith in work, he says. “Reviving the work ethic is at the heart of my program.”

Sarkozy dreams of awakening
France from generations of sclerosis, just as Margaret Thatcher did
Britain a generation ago.

Seventeen years after Mrs. Thatcher left office in 1990,
Britain remains the economic engine driving
Europe. Even the Labor Party was forced to adopt her reforms.

Hundreds of thousands of young French men and women voted with their feet and emigrated to
Britain in search of better pay, lower taxes, and greater freedom to create.

Sarkozy hopes to lure French expats back home by reducing taxes on small businesses, and by making workers more mobile. During last Wednesday’s debate with his Socialist opponent, he called a key Socialist gain, the 35-hour work week, “a widespread catastrophe for the French economy”

In conciliatory remarks aimed at his harshest opponents in the Muslim ghettos around
Paris, Sarkozy offered a new job-training program, “a contract, and a paycheck” to unemployed young Muslims and African immigrants.

In a video-taped message that played on his website along with the election victory announcement, he pledged a helping hand “so that all can live in dignity from their work.”

But in exchange, he warned, “I ask them to get up early, because no one can hope to be helped by society if he doesn’t help himself.”

“I want to build a Republic where everyone can succeed,” he added.

Foreign policy played virtually no role in the election campaign. During the more than 2 hour debate with Royal, the
United States was not even mentioned once.

The overwhelming emphasis of Sarkozy’s campaign of reforming French political, social, and economic structures will translate into a strong domestic agenda for his presidency. It will be a welcome break from Chirac’s knack for inserting himself wherever he was wanted the least, almost invariably on the side of dictators and tyrants.

Sarkozy frequently evokes the need for a “break” with the past. If he succeeds in his ambitious project of dismantling the social welfare state, he will be hailed as the Margaret Thatcher of

And, who knows? There may come a time in the not-so-distant future when Sarkozy will cross the
Atlantic to urge his American counterpart not to go “wobbly at the knees,” and like Maggie, pledge his nation’s full support in the worldwide struggle for freedom.

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Sarkozy opposes polygamy

Sarkozy opposes polygamy

Of course, every Western politician should oppose polygamy, but in an age when it is widely tolerated in Europe, Sarkozy’s statement stands out. Here is my rough-and-ready translation (corrections gratefully accepted) of his French statement (thanks to D):

Question: What do you think of polygamy?Answer: I respect all cultures throughout the world, but so that it is quite clear: if I am elected President of the Republic, I will not accept women being treated as inferior to men. The French Republic holds these values: respect for women, equality between men and women. Nobody has the right to hold a prisoner, even within his own family. I say it clearly, that polygamy is prohibited in the territory of the French Republic. I will fight against female genital mutilation and those who do not wish to understand that the values of the French Republic include freedom for women, the dignity of women, respect for women — they do not have any reason to be in France. If our laws are not respected and if one does not wish to understand our values, if one does not wish to learn French, then one does not have any reason to be on French territory.